The University of Texas at Austin

Law in Popular Culture collection

ALSA Forum
Volume 6, Number 2 (1982)
reprinted by permission Legal Studies Forum

THE LAW OF THE STATE IN
KAFKA'S THE TRIAL

by MARTHA S. ROBINSON*

     Literary criticism of Kafka's works is voluminous and
explications of his novel The Trial1 display an inventive zeal of
extraordinary proportions. The book, unfinished though it is, has
been interpreted variously and at length as a metaphysical
statement about human fate, a dissertation on original sin, an
exposure of the corruption of modern capitalism, an anatomy of
neurasthenia, an illustration of the absurdity of human existence.
The points of view from which its critics have approached it are
many and diverse; the aspects the critics have scrutinized run
the gamut from epistemological method and semiotics to Kafka's,
use of gesture and the role of his female characters.2 Oddly
enough, however, considering the intensity of concentration
needed to have produced this mass of material, one finds in it
only an occasional and fleeting reference to the setting of the
story, the real world of courts and lawyers in which the author
lived.3 Yet whatever structure the novel has is provided by
that world or a parody of it.
     What may have helped to obscure this is Kafka's tendency
in his letters and notebooks to use the trial motif
metaphorically. It is as a law court that he sees his 1914
meeting with Felice Bauer, his fiancee, to break off their
engagement, and his farewell letter to Felice's parents next day
is sent, he says, from the place of execution.4 In the
undelivered Letter to His Father in which Kafka describes the
tortured relationship that seems always to have existed between
them, he refers to "this terrible trial that is pending" between
the father and his adult children.5 In these often quoted
passages, as in many others, the trial is clearly a metaphor for a
private ordeal, but I think it is a mistake to conclude that
Kafka never uses the term in a literal sense.
     There is also metaphor and ambiguity in Kafka's references
to law. In his lexicon, law may mean the law of God, or of
nature, or the institutionalized law of the state. Sometimes it
seems to mean all three, as in his aphorism On the Law which
reads:
The hunting dogs are playing in the courtyard, but the hare
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Will not escape them, no matter how fast it may be flying
already through the woods.6
The same commingling of figurative and literal usage is found in
his well-known parable The Problem of Our Laws which begins:
Our laws are not generally known; they are kept secret by
the small group of nobles who rule us. We are convinced
that these ancient laws are scrupulously administered;
nevertheless it is an extremely painful thing to be ruled
by laws that one does not know.7
Thus far, as in most of this little essay, Kafka appears to be
speaking allegoricaRy, but a few lines later he makes an
observation only too applicable to the law of the state:
...the laws are very ancient; their interpretation has
been the work of centuries, and has itself doubtless
acquired the status if law; and though there is still a
possible freedom of interpretation left, it has now
become very restricted.8
Whatever else it may be, this is a statement of fact well known
to twentieth-century lawyers.
     Franz Kafka the writer was also a lawyer. His frequent
use of the law and the trial as analogies indicates a frame of
reference many lawyers share, for the readiest references are
always to those with which one is most familiar. At the same
time, comparisons for the sake of analogy implicity recognize the
reality and actual potential of the things compared. My purpose
in this article is to show how Kafka recognized, followed, and
commented on the reality of the criminal law and theory of his
day in The Trial. This is not in order to deny or denigrate the
mytho-poetic qualities of his work, but rather to identify the
model from which it draws and a level on which it can be read.
     Kafka received the degree of Doctor of Jurisprudence from
the Karl-Ferdinand German University in Prague, in July 1906.
Like many law students today, he also worked in a law office,
drafting legal documents, during his last term at the University;
for a year following his graduation he worked in the criminal
courts. Thereafter until 1922 when, suffering from tuberculosis,
he became too ill to work any longer, Kafka held an important
quasi-legal position in a large insurance company in Prague
concerned with workers' compensation for industrial accidents.9
There can be no doubt of his familiarity with legal theory and

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with the Austro-Hungarian system of courts and court
officialdom in pre-war Czechoslovakia.
     It is this system in caricature that has enmeshed The
Trial's central character, Joseph K., a thirty-year-old Chief
Clerk of a large City bank. One finds him already there in the
opening sentence: "Someone must have traduced Joseph K., for
without having done anything wrong he was arrested one fine
morning." The arresting officers, two buffoons with larceny in
their hearts, have unceremoniously entered his rooms; they
intercept his breakfast tray and devour his breakfast, then when
he is dressed take him to be interviewed by an Inspector who is
installed in the adjoining room.
     Protesting his innocence, K. demands to know who accuses
him, but the Inspector replies that he knows hardly anything
about the case. K. asks whether he may telephone his lawyer
and is told that he may. The Inspector adds, however, that he
sees no sense in it unless K. has private business to consult the
lawyer about, but that K. should certainly telephone if he
wishes. K. now does not want to call a lawyer; he suggests to
the Inspector that instead of bothering any more about the
justice of the affair they shake hands and regard it as over and
done with.
     Stating coldly that the matter cannot be settled in this
way, the Inspector ignores K.'s outstretched hand and prepares
to leave, but as he departs advises K. not to give up hope - that
he is only under arrest, nothing more. "I was requested to
inform you of this," he says, "I have done so, and I have also
observed your reactions. That's enough for today -You'll be
going to the Bank now, I suppose."10 K. expresses surprise that
he is free to go, but the Inspector explains that although K. is
under arrest, this need not hinder him at present from leading
his ordinary life.
     In part, this apprehension and arrest scene has parodied
what might actually have happened, and in some details it
follows the law quite accurately.
     Under the Habsburgs, the Czech legal system had been
completely Germanized. The criminal procedure of Kafka's day,
like that of other nations of continental Europe, provided for a
division of criminal proceedings into two stages: (1) the
preliminary examination, the rules of which were borrowed from
the inquisitorial system, and (2) the trial, which allowed for all
the safeguards commonly associated with the accusatory system
such as publicity, the right to counsel, confrontation of
witnesses, oral testimony, and a jury.11
     Proceedings were set in motion by an accusation which

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might be made by either the public prosecutor or a private
party. Should the public prosecutor abandon the criminal action,
the aggrieved individual could take it up instead.12 Thus
without knowing anything about it, Joseph K. could quite well
have been privately accused of wrongdoing by someone - one of
his clients, perhaps, or a rival at the Bank - and the matter, still
unknown to him, would have been referred to an examining
magistrate for investigation.
     The Magistrate, a judge of an inferior court, had extensive
powers to hear witnesses, inspect premises, order domiciliary
searches, and proceed with an arrest. The accused would not
necessarily be informed in the early stages of the investigation,
nor would the proceedings be made public.13
     Since Joseph K. was not apprehended in the commission of
a crime and, considering his position at the Bank, there was no
reason to fear he would flee, he probably would not have been
arrested until inquiries had indicated a likelihood of guilt.
There is therefore a good reason for Franz and Willem, the men
who apprehend K. in his rooms, to tell him as they do that
before the authorities would order such an arrest they must be
quite well-informed about the reasons for the arrest and the
person of the arrestee.
"Our officials, so far as I know them," says Willem,
"never go hunting for crime in the populace, but as the
Law decrees, are drawn toward the guilty and must then
send out us warders. That is the Law."14
     The idea that Court officials are drawn toward the guilty,
and its implication that K. must therefore be guilty, has been
viewed as metaphysical by commentators. In this view Willem's
statement is taken to mean that the Court is a mysterious,
suprajudicial body whose accusations in themselves constitute
evidence of a crime.15
     It is, of course, arguable that Kafka saw a parallel between
metaphysical guilt viewed by transcendent authority and the
accusation of an individual by the State. It is also possible that
he intended to point up a perceived irrationality in the
apparently rational routine procedure of secret investigation
prior to the arrest. The warder, however, states what is true
as a matter of law: if upon investigation the Magistrate is drawn
toward an individual by evidence of guilt, he must then send out
the arresting officers.
     To Willem's statement that this is the Law, K. replies that
he does not know this Law, whereupon the other warder, Franz,

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interrupts to observe, "See ... he admits that he doesn't know the
Law and yet he claims he's innocent." "You're quite right, but
you'll never make a man like that see reason," Willem replies.16
     At first reading, this exchange may seem to be, as K. finds
it, merely nonsensical gabble, but it is neither nonsense nor
necessarily the expression of a high moral principal as it has
seemed to some critics. Those who assume that the Law
referred to is moral or divine, not the law of the state,
theorize that Joseph K.'s ignorance of the Law here serves as
his indictment: he condemns himself by offering his ignorance as
proof of his innocence.17 But the warders are really saying
only that one who does not know the law cannot possibly know
whether it has been violated.
     This is a truism. No criminal law could successfully
function if ignorance of the law were a defense, and the
Austrian Penal Act of 1945, an outgrowth of the Criminal Code
of 1852 which would have applied in K.'s time, specifically
provides that ignorance of the Act concerning felonies may not
be used as a ground of exculpation.18 One commits the crime
by intentionally doing the forbidden evil act, whether or not one
knows it is forbidden.
     One of Kafka's characteristic talents is his ability thus to
gloss the self-evident with absurdity. Another is his skillful use
of humor. Max Brod, his literary executor and long-time friend,
writes that Kafka's friends laughed uproariously when he read
the first chapter of The Trial to them; that Kafka himself
laughed so much there were moments when he could not read
any further.19
     Much of the hilarity must have been generated by the
antics of the warders Franz and Willem, for they behave
throughout their encounter with Joseph K. like a clownish
vaudeville team, oddly dressed, one fat, one thin, popping in and
out of K.'s room while engaging in swift repartee. Willem keeps
clapping K. on the shoulder and butting his fat belly against
him "in an almost friendly way." Blandly helping themselves to
K.'s breakfast, they offer to bring him more from the coffee
house across the street - if he has any money. They suggest with
mock generosity that he turn over his fancy nightshifts and
underwear to them since otherwise it will all be stolen at the
depot he is headed for, and they gravely superintend his
dressing himself for the interview with the Inspector but are
outwitted by K., who feels that he gets the better of them when
he slyly foregoes his bath. The entire scene is a classic
burlesque that can be read as a statement of Kafka's perception

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of the police and their bumbling yet sinister ways. This
perception returns in a later chapter when after K. has accused
Franz and Willem of attempted bribery and they are being
flogged for their wrongdoing, their chief complaint is that now
they have lost their chances of promotion to be floggers
themselves.20
     In the course of K.'s interview with the Inspector, several
things occur that have invited speculation by Kafka critics. One
is K's failure to telephone his lawyer. That he had a right to
do so was acknowledged by the Inspector and this accords with
Austrian law which from 1873 onward recognized the accused's
right to counsel at all stages of a criminal proceeding. The
function of counsel during the preliminary stage was, however,
extremely limited. The lawyer could not take part in the
interrogation of the accused or in the hearing of witnesses, but
could only call matters to the judge's attention, examine
questionable documents, if any, and advise the client on how to
respond as the matter progressed.21 Under the circumstances,
since the Inspector was not questioning but merely making an
arrest, K.'s lawyer, had he been present, could have done
virtually nothing. The Inspector's advice about the call is
therefore understandable, and K.'s failure to make it requires no
esoteric explanation.
      Another matter often commented on and pressed for
meaning is that at the end of the interview K., although under
arrest, finds himself free to go about his business and lead his
ordinary life. There is actually nothing extraordinary about this,
and while it can be given a symbolic interpretation it needs
none.  In the Continental system of criminal law, pretrial
detention was an exceptional measure. Only when guilt was
highly probable and the offense was major, when there was
danger that the accused would flee, tamper with the evidence,
or repeat the offense would detention have followed an
arrest.22 Failure to detain K. indicates that these factors were
apparently not involved, and serves to make K.'s ultimate
execution all the more grotesque and problematic.
     What is truly extraordinary in the arrest scene is the
location of the interview and the cast of characters observing it.
When he confronts K., the Inspector has set up an office in the
bed chamber of a female roomer in the boarding house where K.
lives. A white blouse dangles from the latch of her open
window and snapshots are stuck into a mat hanging on the wall.
The warders seat themselves on a chest draped with an
embroidered cloth. There could, in other words, be no more
inappropriate a place for a formal notification of arrest.

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     This is one of the many instances where Kafka presents the
world slightly askew, as if one were seeing it in a distorting
mirror,23 and this gives a comic as well as a bizarre aspect to
the scene. I think it also reveals the author's opinion of the
rich and magisterial trappings of judicial proceedings which
would have been especially elaborate in the pre-war Austro-
Hungarian world. Like the attic in the tenement where K.'s
first formal interrogation will take place, the bedroom is quite
unsuitable for the proceeding, but the arrest is made
nevertheless and is fully as authoritative as if it had been made
in the usual public office. What matters is what is done, not
where it is done; underneath all the gilt and marble of a Palace
of Justice, the same makeshift quality and shabbiness inhere.
     The night table beside the roomer's bed has been pushed
into the middle of the floor to serve as a desk. K. must stand
while the Inspector sits at ease, his legs crossed and one arm
resting on the back of his chair. During the interview the
Inspector absent-mindedly fidgets with a matchbox or presses his
hand on the table and seems to be measuring his fingers, the
perfect picture of the bored public official, perfunctorily doing
his duty, completely indifferent to the person involved or the
outcome.
      But while the Inspector is a type Kafka must have been
familiar with and all lawyers recognize, others in the room or
observing it from outside are a strangely assorted lot. They
include three young men, subordinate employees at K.'s Bank.
The Inspector has apparently detained them for the interview,
and this suggests that they have been questioned during the
investigations preceding K.'s arrest. There is the lazy
Rabensteiner, the stupid Kullich, and the toady Kaminer who has
a facial twitch that causes him to seem to be forever smiling.
These young men wander about the bedroom during the
interview, looking at the snapshots on the wall or gazing at the
proceedings aimlessly. The Inspector says they are there for
K.'s convenience, to accompany him when he returns to the Bank.
     From a window across the street an old woman and an
even older man had watched with senile inquisitiveness while the
warders confronted K. in his room. Now a large, informally
dressed man joins the old people and together they observe the
interview proceedings attentively from their window, finally
going out of the house to see K. depart when he leaves for the
Bank.
     These observers and the young clerks distract and annoy
Joseph K. intensely. Although there is the typical Kafkaian
ambiguity about their function in the scene, a possible

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explanation is that they illustrate the undesirable consequences
the writer anticipated if preliminary criminal proceedings were
made public. Unlike the trial which would be conducted in the
full glare of publicity, the preliminary investigation under the
Austrian Code remained secret as it had been since the Medieval
period.24 While there were, and are, persuasive reasons for this
secrecy, including the ideal that the private investigation ensures
that only those accusations sound in fact and law go to trial or
become known in the community, when Kafka was writing a
strong current of opinion had arisen against it.25 Whether his
intention was to show the error of this opinion by bringing in
the bank clerks and the curious old people who detract from
rather than add to the proceedings is, of course, conjectural,
but it would have been relevant for him to do so.
     A few days after his arrest, K. is informed that a short
inquiry into his case will take place the following Sunday. He
goes to the address he is given and finds it to be a crowded
tenement, on a poor street of identical high grey houses. After
an hour's frantic search K. finds the Court of Inquiry on the top
floor. In the anteroom a young woman is washing clothes in a
tub; she waves him through to the courtroom which is packed
with people, most of them bearded men whom K. would have
mistaken for people at a political meeting had it not been for
their old black Sunday coats and the badges they wear that
identify them as Court officials. A gallery crowded with even
less well-dressed people surrounds the room; it is so close to the
ceiling that most of the spectators cannot stand upright. The
air is very thick and K. finds it difficult to see:in the dimness,
dust, and reek.
     The Examining Magistrate reproves K. for being late,
though no time had been specified for the inquiry, and is
confused as to K.'s identity, thinking him to be a house painter.
K. cannot restrain his indignation at this, and upbraids the
Magistrate saying that his mistake is typical of this trial. He
eloquently denounces the entire proceeding from its beginning
and concludes by saying there can be no doubt that behind his
arrest and today's interrogation there is at work a great
organization that has at its disposal a judicial hierarchy, the
significance of which is that innocent persons are accused,
senseless proceedings are put in motion against them, and
innocent people, instead of being fairly examined, are humiliated
in the presence of public assemblies. He then rushes out of the
hall, but is stopped at the door by the Examining Magistrate who
tells him: "Today you have flung away with your own hand all
the advantages which an interrogation invariably confers on an

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accused man.."26
      Everything about this episode indicates a parody of the
official private, interrogation: the inappropriate place, crowds
peering from the cramped gallery, the Magistrate's desk an
inadequate table set at a slant on the very edge of a crowded
platform, his only records a scribbled dog-eared notebook. The
Examining Magistrate, a fat, little, wheezing man more interested
in talking with bystanders than in questioning K., apparently
without authority to control the audience and easily humiliated,
is a caricature of the highly trained professional judge who
would normally have conducted such proceedings.27 The bearded
men who pack the floor of the hall may be intended to represent
the political aspect of criminal proceedings, but their apparently
official status, the erratic way they follow and seemingly are
swayed by the proceedings, and the buzz of their conversation
as they begin to analyze the situation after K. rushes out of
the room, suggest that they are meant to parody the jury, which,
when Kafka was writing, was under attack and would soon be
abandoned.
     Restored by the Austrian code of 1873 after its suppression
twenty years earlier, the jury did not gain general acceptance
by legal scholars. Hans Gross, a former judge and one of
Kafka's professors at the German Univeristy, writing shortly
after the turn of the century speaks of the institution of the
jury as a Utopian dream.28 Its shortcomings were thought to be,
first, that jurors being ignorant of the simplest psychological
principles for evaluating various means of proof were unable to
grasp the significance of evidence and decide difficult factual
questions; and second, that their political independence was a
myth since they were easily dominated by government and
swayed by skillful counsel and the press.29
     Kafka may well have shared his professor's views. In his
fifth, sixth, and seventh terms at the University, he spent
sixteen hours a week listening to Hans Gross's lectures on
criminal law and procedure.30 It is inconceivable that he would
not have been influenced by this brilliant scholar whose erudition
was stupendous and whose work on Criminal Psychology is still a
basic text. The entire interrogation scene can be read as a
criticism of the existing investigative process not only because of
K.'s denunciation but also from the standpoint of one of Gross's
keenest observations:
Every fundamental investigation must first of all
establish the nature of its sub ect matter ... It is
possible to read thousands of testimonies and to make
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again this identical, fatiguing contrary observation:
the two, witness and judge, have not defined the nature
of this subject; they have not determined what they
wanted of each other. The one spoke of one matter, the
other of another, but just what the thing really was
that was to have been established, the one did not know,
and the other did not tell him.31
     Exactly this could have been said about Joseph K. and the
Examining Magistrate, between whom there is never established
any understanding of what the other thinks the inquiry is all
about.
     K. assumes that he is expected to return to the Court for
further interrogation the next Sunday, but when he arrives he
finds the place deserted except for the young woman he had met
in the antechamber. She identifies herself as the wife of the
court usher, the man charged with maintenance of the apartment
that houses the Court and also serves as their home.
Accompanied by the wife, K. goes into the empty courtroom; he
finds it looking even more sordid than before. On the
Magistrate's table are several. dusty tattered volumes K. supposes
are law books but discovers instead that one is a cheap salacious
novel, the other contains an indecent picture.
     "It's so horrible here," says the usher's wife, who tells K.
she is being pursued by one of the law students in the court and
has also attracted the attention of the Examining Magistrate.32
Flirtatiously she seats herself on the platform, takes K.'s hand,
and offers to help him however she can. K. is at first reluctant
to accept either her attentions or her help, but is becoming
increasingly interested when the scene is suddenly cut short by
the entrance of the woman's admirer, the law student. During
K.'s interrogation the previous Sunday, this young man had made
a disturbance by amorously assaulting the usher's wife in the
courtroom; now when he returns he embraces her and boldly
carries her off, purportedly for the Examining Magistrate. Later
her husband will talk with K. about the situation which, he says,
is constantly being repeated and he is powerless to prevent.
     Wilhelm Emrich, a percipient critic and admirer of Kafka,
has suggested that the role of the usher's wife as a character is
to represent Woman living in conflict with the court, as
contrasted to Woman standing outside it (Fraulein Burstner, the
roomer whose bedroom was requisitioned by the Inspector) and
Woman succumbing to the court's power (Leni, whom K. will meet
in the home of his lawyer).33 But it seems to me unnecessary
for her to represent anything except herself; there are reasons

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enough to bring her into the story to give Joseph K. someone to
interact with, and for the author a scene in which to introduce
a theme long a favorite of writers satirizing lawyers and
judges-that of the lechery and pruriency of men of the law.34
     The tradition of representing lawyers and judges as great
womanizers probably antedates the Commedia dell'arte of the
Renaissance, but it unquestionably became widely established in
that medium. For several centuries, one of the stock characters
of the Commedia was Doctor Graziano, a Bolognese lawyer noted
for his gullibility and malapropisms, and above all for his
unremitting lechery. Nineteenth and early twentieth century
novels and plays carried on the tradition which Kafka must have
felt had an element of truth sufficient to justify its
perpetuation.
     K.'s encounter with the usher's wife is the occasion for a
return to the subject of bribes introduced in the first scene with
Franz and Willem. Later when K. found them being flogged as a
result of his denunciation, he tried to get them off by offering a
bribe himself. Now when the usher's wife offers to help K., the
one thing he finally says she can do for him is inform the
Examining Magistrate that nothing will cause him to bribe the
court officials, that any attempt to induce him to do so will be
quite hopeless.35
     Bribery, besides being a matter on Joseph K.'s mind, seems
to be a commonplace in the judicial system. This is not the sort
of thing one can verify in the law books, but it probably had a
basis in fact sufficient to justify Kafka's ironic comment. Some
years ago, a California trial court rendered a not-guilty
judgment in the case of a recent emigre from central Europe
who was tried for the crime of offering a bribe to a police
officer to induce him to drop charges against her son; her
successful defense was that in her country bribery had long been
an accepted part of the judicial system and hence she could not
be deemed to have had the necessary intent to commit the
crime.
    The bribery theme is again briefly repeated when K.
discovers that the Law Court offices are located in an attic
above the court room; perhaps it is not for lack of money that
the offices are so poorly housed, he thinks, but because the
court officials pocket the money before it can be used for the
purposes of justice.36
     Joseph K. leaves the empty courtroom after the departure
of the usher's wife and will not be seen in Court again. Had
Kafka finished the novel, K. might have been subjected to
several additional judicial interrogations, although apparently the

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actual trial was never intended to take place.37 Though there
will be no more judicial proceedings for K., his increasing
concern with his case moves the novel on to its end at his
execution. His experiences and encounters along the way furnish
the reader with continuing insights into court personnel and
effect.
     The usher returns as K. stands looking at a sign written in
a childish hand showing the way to the Law Court offices, which
K. wishes to see if only to assure himself that the inside of this
legal system is as loathsome as its external aspect. The usher
conducts him upstairs, and as they enter K. almost falls, for
behind the door is an extra step like a trap for the unwary. In
the shabby waiting-room, even on Sunday, there are people
humbly waiting for some word about their cases. One is
reminded of Dickens's ill-fated Richard Carstone, the mad Miss
Flite and Mr. Gridley, whose infatuation with the suit of
Jarndyce vs. Jarndyce led them to haunt the Court, going there
daily in the vain hope of hearing something, anything, about their
prospects. Although Kafka became a great admirer of Dickens,
he does not appear to have read Bleak House at the time of the
writing of The Trial 38 and the similarity of his ironic
observation of  those who wait seems to indicate the similarity of
the effects of legal systems everywhere on people's lives.
     K. and the usher walk through the corridors of the offices,
but ultimately the fetid air, reminiscent of the bad air in the
courtroom, so sickens K. that he requires physical assistance and
even then is barely able to reach the door and leave.
     This entire scene with its obvious criticisms of the law is
enlivened by Kafka's particular brand of wry humor. An office
guard is wearing a sword in an aluminum sheath; he struts about
with hasty but very short steps, presumably resulting from gout.
Some offices are partitioned off from the lobby with ceiling-high
wooden rails where officials stand looking out at the people.
One thinks of cages and cage dwellers in a zoo. A court
attache explains the unbreathable air as partly the result of
washing of all sorts hung up to dry in the offices, since "you
can't prohibit the tenants from washing their dirty linen."39 One
may ask what function a court serves other than that of
providing a place for washing dirty linen. The attache opens a
skylight to let in fresh air, but so much soot falls in that she
has to close it at once. The Chief of the Information Bureau
wears conspicuously stylish clothes bought for him by the other
employees so that he can make a good impression, but he spoils
it by laughing.
     Joseph K., however, sees nothing to laugh at. Up to this

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point he has maintained a casual, light-hearted attitude toward
his case. From now on he takes it seriously and becomes
progressively isolated and obsessed.
     K.'s uncle, having heard about the case in a round-about
way, comes rushing in from the country to help. "The first
thing to grasp," K. tells him, "is that this is not a case before
an ordinary court."40 There have been suggestions of this from
the beginning, but here is an explicit statement which will be
reinforced by later references. Should it be taken to mean that
Kafka's model is something other than the Austrian court system
of his day, is some imaginary metaphysical system, or perhaps
the Vehmic courts of the later Middle Ages? I think not, for
despite distortions, the points of similarity with the Austrian
system are too great, the ironic commentary too pertinent.
     The inspiration of the Vehmic courts is suggested by Meno
Spann in his short critical biography of Kafka.41 It is true that
these ancient tribunals centered in Westphalia exercised criminal
jurisdiction and were composed of the free men of the
community, to whom the bearded, black-coated men assembled at'
K's interrogation might be comparable. But they acted in total
secrecy without spectators unlike Kafka's Court of Inquiry, and
most important, there would have been no place in them for the
lawyer Huld, to whom K.'s uncle insists he go, and who by
temperament and profession is unquestionably modern.
     The Czechoslovakian lawyer of Kafka's day was far better
educated than an American counterpart. Law students spent
three and one-half to four years in University in rigorous study
of law, attending lectures for twenty hours a week in subjects
ranging from Roman Law to statistics and devoting one term to
a study of the humanities. At the end of these studies the
student was required to pass a difficult state examination, after
which one could enter upon preparatory service, a sort of
apprenticeship for receiving some practical training. On its
completion, a second difficult state examination had to be
passed.42 Lawyer Huld, it is to be noted, is Doctor Huld,
indicating that he became a doctoral candidate at some point in
his Univeristy career, probably after passing the first state
examination qualifying him for the Juris Doctor degree. This is
a purely academic degree, unnecessary for law practice, but
often sought because of the prestige it conferred.
     K.'s lawyer is thus a prestigious one, likely to have the
influential friends at Court he boasts of; he also has the foibles
and personality traits that one who knows lawyers will instantly
recognize as characteristic. Huld is ill when the uncle brings K ,
to him, and he is proud that the Chief Clerk of the Court is

[139]

also visiting him. When K. returns for consultations in his office
the lawyer either does all the talking or gravely sits behind his
desk gazing at the floor, now and then ponderously handing out
some empty admonition. When he talks, he brags of his friends
among the judges, of his experience, of difficulties encountered
and victories won. He does nothing, his erudition swallowed up
by his garrulity, and he leaves K. confused and dissatisfied.
     In actuality, however, no lawyer could have done very
much for K. during the preliminary stage of the case, for, as I
pointed out earlier, while the accused was authorized to employ
a lawyer to take care of the preservation of rights at this
stage, counsel could not take an active part in the hearings.
Doctor Huld has K's first plea almost ready to be filed, but he
observes that there is no hurry about it, and this was probably
true. Under Austrian procedure, pleas entered by defense
counsel became critically important only if an investigation led
to a trial, and this has not occurred in Joseph K.'s case.
     The responsibility for authorizing a trial rested with the
judge in charge of the investigation, who decided whether there
was sufficient evidence of the guilt of the accused to warrant
it. If this determination was made, the complete dossier of the
case would be transmitted to a higher ranking judge who would
preside at the trial and would himself examine the defendant
and witnesses before counsel for either prosecution or defense
would be allowed to question them. Pleas would be entered and
arguments made after the presentation of evidence.43
     Huld's boast of wide acquaintance with the judges is thus
not entirely irrelevant, for they held the key to a discharge or
acquittal. Kafka presents them through Huld's eyes, and through
Leni, the lawyer's nurse and housekeeper, and Titorelli, the court
portraitist. All of them see judges as men who are vengeful,
dishonest, bad-tempered, unpredictable and, above all, vain. In
K.'s eyes they have already been cast as great lechers. In
theory, the judge in a civil law country was then, as now, an
educated lawyer who, having passed his second state examination
with a high mark, had applied for appointment to the judiciary,
a career service. Normally the successful applicant was
appointed to begin in the lowest court, but had hopes in time of
being promoted to a higher one.44 In the period of which Kafka
writes, the Austrian Ministry of Justice had plenary power over
judicial appointments and promotions and this was undoubtedly
exercised in some cases so as to justify Kafka's obviously low
opinion of those who were chosen.
     As time passes without any activity in his case, K. becomes
increasingly anxious and distrustful of Huld. At the suggestion

[140]

of one of the Bank's clients, he visits the mysterious painter of
judges, Titorelli, who offers to help. Then, resolved to dismiss
Huld, he goes to the lawyer's home where he encounters another
of Huld's clients,  a tradesman named Block who tells K. about
his own case which has been pending some five years.
     Neither of these episodes is fully worked out. Kafka seems
to have intended to develop K's relationship with Titorelli in
later chapters,45 and the chapter in which Block appears was
never finished. Hence these episodes are somewhat
unsatisfactory both as to symbol and story, but the conversation
with Block serves to introduce a theme that for many years
dominated the debate among European scholars of competing
theories of criminality. Block says he was one of those waiting
in the lobby of the court offices the day K. came through, and
that after seeing K. the others declared he would soon be found
guilty for it is commonly believed by those accused of crime
that one can tell from a man's face,46 especially from the line of
his lips, how his case will turn out. A variant of this idea is.
reflected in Lawyer Huld's subsequent observation that accused
men are always the most attractive, so much so that one
experienced in such matters can pick out, one after another, all
the accused men in the largest of crowds.47
     When Kafka was writing this, European thought on the
subject of criminology for more than thirty years had been riven
by controversy between two schools, the polemic being whether
the criminal is born so or is produced by circumstances. On the
one side were the followers of Enrico Ferri, founder of Criminal
Sociology who set out to demonstrate that crime is the product
of a variety of physical and social forces. On the other side
were adherents of the school of Criminal Anthropology, which,
influenced by its precursor, phrenology, postulated the born
criminal recognizable by certain anatomical signs reminiscent of
primitive humans.48 Founder of the school, the Milanese
physician and Darwinist, Cesare Lombroso, discovered in his own
studies a verification of conclusions reached in an 1844 study of
convicts in the prison at Toulon: writing in 1876,49 Lombroso
stated that among the physical characteristics of criminals is
disproportionate development of mandibles and cheekbones - the
1844 study had found that enormous jaws and masticatory
muscles are characteristic.
     Lombrosols seminal work, The Criminal in Relation to
Anthropology, Jurisprudence and Psychiatry, went through five
editions; the last, the edition of 1900, would have been the one
Kafka knew. His opinion of Lombrosian theory that physical
appearance connotes criminality is indicated by Block who calls

[141]

the idea that guilt can be read in the lines of a man's lips a
silly superstition. But then one must remember, Block says,
"people are too tired and distracted to think and so they take
refuge in superstition."50 The debate among the scholars will be
fated to continue for a time, but Kafka has slyly had his pithy
say.
     The more the thought of K's case oppresses him, the more
ambiguous its nature and Kafka's references to the Law become.
In the famous legend of the Law, told in the penultimate
chapter, Kafka is obviously writing about the law of God or
Nature, but in Joseph K.'s reflections on his case at this time,
one cannot be sure what law is involved, and in the last chapter
of the book Kafka deliberately obscures his intent.
     Two men are leading K. through the streets to his
execution when a policeman approaches, but K. avoids him
instead of asking for help. Is the policeman an officer of the
State, opposed to the mysterious power that has jurisdiction of
K.'s case? Kafka refuses to tell us.
     Originally he wrote the passage as follows:
They went along several paths mounting upward. There
were Police about here and there, either standing or
strolling, sometimes in the distance, sometimes very
near. One of them with a bushy moustache, his hand
on the hilt of the saber entrusted to him by the
state, strode up, purposefully it seemed, toward the
rather suspect-looking group. "The state is offering
to come to my assistance," whispered K. into the ear
of one of the men. "What if I transferred the trial
into the domain where the writ of the state law runs?
The outcome might very well be that I would have to
defend you two gentlemen against the state!"51
He then rewrote the passage in its present published form:
They went through several steeply rising streets, in
which policemen stood or patrolled at intervals;
sometimes a good way off, sometimes quite near. One
with a bushy moustache, his hand on the hilt of his
saber, came up as of set purpose close to the not quite
harmless-looking group. The two gentlemen halted, the
policeman seemed to be already opening his mouth, but
K. forcibly pulled his companions forward. He kept
looking round cautiously to see if the policemen were
following; as soon as he had put a corner between
[142]

himself and the policeman he started to run, and his
two companions ... had to run beside him.52
     By here deleting all reference to the State, Kafka could
have meant that the law of the police and the law of Joseph
K.'s executors are one and the same. He leaves us to wonder
about this, but not about his opinion of the law of the state. In
what has gone before he has clearly told us that the police are
corrupt, judges are disreputable and vain, lawyers are long on
talk but short on performance, some self-evident rules of law
are absurd, and the places in which law is administered are
sordid and bizarre. He has demonstrated how the investigative
process fails when the participants fail to define their goals, and
how undesirable inside observers of it can be. He has
demolished the theory of the born criminal whose physical
appearance is condemnation, and has shown the profoundly
demoralizing effect on a person of an accusation of crime.
Kafka should not be grudged a retreat into ambiguity at the
end.

[143]

ENDNOTES

*Loyola Law School, Los Angeles

l. Hereinafter TRIAL. Page references throughout this
paper are to the Definitive Edition, translated from the German
by Willa and Edwin Muir, revised and with additional materials
translated by E. M. Butler (Alfred A. Knopf, 1978). Most of 
this novel was written in 1914 but the first publication was in 
1925, a year after the author's death.

2. For illustrations of the variety of interpretations and
viewpoints of critics see collections of essays: TWENTIETH
CENTURY INTERPRETATIONS OF THE TRIAL, (J. Rolleston 
ed. 1976), KAFKA, A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS 
(R. Grey ed. 1962), FRANZ KAFKA TODAY (A. Flores and H. 
Swander eds. 1982). Additional sources and points of view are
listed in A. Jaffee, THE PROCESS OF KAFKA'S TRIAL 1-2 (1967).
The papers collected in ON KAFKA: SEMI-CENTENARY
PERSPECTIVES (F. Kuna ed. 1976) contain a variety of general
commentary including an article by J. P. Stern, "The Law of the
Trial" in which Kafka is seen as having anticipated the infamous
procedures of the German Nazi state. In his short critical
biography of Kafka, Meno Spann states that more than 6500
publications about Kafka had appeared as of the date of writing,
Meno Spann, FRANZ KAFKA 178 (1975). Hereinafter Spann.

3. "What most critics imply, by way of an unexamined
premise, is that somehow or other it is unworthy of the high
seriousness of Kafka's art to see it concern itself 'merely' with
bureaucracy or the law." J. P. Stern, ibid., p. 22. Instead the
Court is usually seen as an extended and all-pervasive metaphor.
See, e.g., Sussman, "The Court as Text: Inversion, Supplanting 
and Derangement in Kafka's Der Prozess", 92 PMLA 41, 53 
(1977).

4. II DIARIES OF FRANZ KAFKA 65, 66 (Max Broad, ed.; tr.
by M. Greenberg with H. Arendt, 1949).

5. P. 69 (Bilingual Ed., tr. by E. Kaiser and E. Wilkins,
Schocken Books, 1966).

6. 1n quoting this, Edwin Muir, Kafka's first English
translator, observes that between 1917 and 1919 Kafka jotted
down over one hundred aphorisms, to which he evidently
attached considerable importance since he went to the pains of
copying them out on separate slips of paper and numbering them.
"They are striking compressions of the chief problems that
troubled him during his life and are not only remarkable in
themselves but throw light on The Castle and The Trial." E.
Muir, Franz Kafka, KAFKA, A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL
ESSAYS 34-35 (R. Gray, ed., 1962).

7. THE BASIC KAFKA 154 (E. Heller, ed., Pocket Books,
New York, 1979).

8. Ibid., 155. There is an echo here of Cesare Beccaria's
introductory words to the reader of his seminal work, CRIMES
AND PUNISHMENT (Dei delitti e delle pine, 1764):
The mass of opinions which a large part of Europe honors
with the name of laws are nothing but legislative remains
of an ancient conquering nation, compiled by the order
of a prince who ruled twelve centuries ago in
Constantinople, mingled later with barbarous customs and
wrapped in an entangling farrago of obscure commentaries.
Even today the spirit of routine, as fatal as it is
general, sets down one of Carpzovio's opinions, an old
practice advocated by Claro or a torture invented ... by
Farinacio as principles to be safely followed...
9. There are references to Kafka's legal education and
career in Max Brod, FRANZ KAFKA: A BIOGRAPHY, Ch. II
and III (1937. Tr. by G. Roberts and R. Winston, Schocken
Paperback Ed., 1963). Hereinafter Brod. Treating the subject
in greater detail is R. Hayman, KAFKA: A BIOGRAPHY, esp.
pp. 34-80 (1982), hereinafter Hayman. See also Spann, pp.
23-24.

10. TRIAL, p. 20.

11. The Austrian Code of Criminal Procedure of 1873 was
largely the product of the reforming genius of the Minister of
Justice, Julius Glaser, and expressed the same liberal spiriit of
the day that was reflected in the Judicature Acts of 1873-1874
which modernized English Civil procedure. In 1960 the Austrian
Code was amended and reenacted and is still in effect. See G.
Glos, COMPARATIVE LAW 689 (1979). In Czechoslovakia, the
federal criminal code of 1969 on its face appears to preserve
many of the safeguards first introduced under the Austrian
Code. See E. Keefe, D. Bernier, L. Brenneman, W. Giloane, J.
Moore, N. Walpole, AREA HANDBOOK FOR CZECHOSLOVAKIA
260-261 (1972).

12. A. Esmein, A HISTORY OF CONTINENTAL CRIMINAL
PROCEDURE 596597 (1913), hereinafter Esmein.

13. 1bid., 599-601. See also, Schlesinger, Comparative
Criminal Procedure, 26 Buffalo L. Rev. 361, 365-366 (1977).
Useful historical perspective on this inquisitorial process is
briefly given in Mueller, Lessons of Comparative Criminal
Procedure, 15 Am. U. L. Rev. 341, 343-344 (1966).

14. TRIAL, P. 10.

15. See A. Jaffee, THE PROCESS OF KAFKA'S TRIAL, 26-30

16. TRIAL, p. 10.

17. Mellen, Joseph K. and the Law, 12 Texas Studies in
Literature 195, 299 (1970)

18. Austrian Penal Act Concerning Felonies and Gross and
Petty Misdemeanors, Chap. 1, 3 (Tr. by N. West and S. 
Shuman).

19. Brod, p. 178.

20. TRIAL, p. 105.

21. Esmein, p. 601.

22. See Mueller, Lessons of Comparative Criminal 
Procedure 15 Am. U. L. Rev. 341, 355 (1966); Schlesinger,
Comparative Criminal Procedure 26 Buffalo L. Rev. 361, 
370-371 (197-7). For a comparative evaluation of the 
Continental and American systems of pre-trial detention see 
G. Mueller and F. LePoole-Griffiths, COMPARATIVE
CRIMINAL PROCEDURE 93-106 (1969).

23. "Kafka's world ... is the world seen slightly askew, as one
looks through his legs, or stands on his head, or sees it in a
distorting mirror ... In The Trial... the whole sequence is so
improbable as to suggest some kind of pervasive allegory but at
no point (or almost no point) does one encounter downright
impossibility." A. Warren, Franz Kafka in RAGE FOR ORDER
128 (R.Gray, ed., 1948).

24. The historical antecedents are reviewed in Ploscowe, The
Development of Present-day Criminal Procedures in Europe 
and America, 48 Harv. L. Rev. 433 (1935)

25. Esmein, p. 599.

26. TRIAL, p. 60.

27. The function of the Examining Magistrate  under
Continental Codes of criminal procedures is well-described in 
R. Weisberg, Comparative Law in Comparative Literature: 
The Figure of the "Ex Magistrate" in Dostoevski and 
Camus, 27 Rutgers L. Rev  (1976).

28. H. Gross, CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY, A MANUAL FOR
JUDGES, PRACTITIONERS AND STUDENTS 22 (4th German Ed., 
1910, Tr. by H. Kallen. Patterson Smith Reprint Series 1968). 
Hereinafter Gross.

29. Mannheim, Trial by Jury in Modern Continental 
Criminal Law, 53 Law Quarterly Rev. 99, 102 (1937).

30. Hayman, p. 50.

31. Gross, p. 111.

32. TRIAL, pp. 63-64.

33. W. Emrich, FRANZ KAFKA, A CRITICAL STUDY OF HIS
WRITINGS 337-340. (Tr. by S.Buehne, 1968). Cf. H. Politzer,
FRANZ KAFKA, PARABLE AND PARADOX 200 (1962):
"they appear as guerrillas of Evil, operating
independently from the Court and yet as auxiliaries
of its grand strategy of destruction."
34. The author remarks on this tradition in Spann, pp. 99-
101.

35. TRIAL, p. 67.

36. TRIAL, p. 74.

37. Max Brod, Postscript to the First Edition TRIAL
p. 334.

38. Although there are two brief references to Dickens in
Kafka's Diaries in 1911, the first reference to his having read a
Dickens novel (David Copperfield) was in 1917, some three 
years after most of the manuscript for THE TRIAL was written. II
DIARIES OF FRANZ KAFKA 188 (Max Brod. 3d ed. Tr. by M.
Greenberg with H. Arendt, 1949).

39. TRIAL, p. 84.

40. TRIAL, P. 119.

41. Spann, p. 99.  And see Fehmic Courts, 
10 ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA 236 (11th Ed.).

42. See materials collected in R. B. Schlesinger, 
COMPARATIVE LAW 160-172 (4th Ed., 1980).

43. See the description of German criminal trial procedures to
which the Austrian corresponded by H. Jescheck in THE
ACCUSED, A COMPARATIVE STUDY 248 (J. Coutts, ed., 1966).

44. See R. B. Schlesinger (COMPARATIVE LAW 183-184
(4th Ed., 1980).

45. See H. Uyttersprot, The Trial, Its Structure in FRANZ
KAFKA TODAY 127-143 (A. Flores and H. Swander, eds., 
1958).

46. TRIAL, p. 218.

47. TRIAL, p. 230.

48. For an account and discussion of this controversy see B.
Dequiros, MODERN THEORIES OF CRIMINOLOGY 1-34 (2nd
ed. 1910, American translation 1911, reprint Little Brown 1967).

49. L'UOMO DELINQUENTE (CRIMINAL MAN)

50. TRIAL, p. 217.

51. TRIAL, p. 325.

52. TRIAL, pp. 283-284